![]() Their past shaped the way they thought of race and they arrived in a new nation with revenge buried in their subconscious. The Irish, Meagher writes, arrived in America with “lessons” learned from their British oppressors. To be white required a sense of belonging to a community and culture (215). Being a part of anti-racial groups, or affiliation in a secret society was solidifying factor. ![]() “It was not clear that the Irish were white” (217). In assessing the work of several “whiteness” studies, historian Timothy Meagher asserts that self-identification as “white” went beyond skin color. To do so meant practicing their own brand of nativism. ![]() Most significantly, the Irish fought hard to define themselves as white. But politics alone was not enough to counter nativist prejudice. With these gains in respectablility and power, the Irish emerged as a sought-after voting bloc. “Boss” Tweed in return for their loyalty and vote. They gained respect through their service in the Civil War on behalf of the Union, and in New York City, through political positions awarded by William M. Nativists predicted the American way of life would end.īy 1880, by and large, the Irish successfully pulled themselves out of their “lowlife” status in a number of ways. During the peak years of the potato famine migration (1845-1855) nativists portrayed the Irish in invasion terminology. Protestants Americans remembered the hard-fought revolutionary history of their young nation. The Irish’s faith, and in particular their blind allegiance to a foreign pontiff, unsettled nativists. Protestant nativists fought for their survival and painted the Irish as “others.” They eagerly adopted and repeated the British trope of the Irish as unsophisticated, violent-prone animals, a lower being on the evolutionary scale. Their growing numbers, allegiance to strong, organized religion ruled by a foreign monarch, and political gains within Tweed’s Democratic Party, all posed a serious concern to the Protestant elite. In the eyes of Protestants with ancestral ties to England, the Irish were no better than animals. “American writers, cartoonists, and so-called scientific experts hammered away at Irish violence, emotional instability, and contentment in squalor” (Meagher 217). The Irish were “nonetheless subject to prejudice, discrimination, and bitter hostility by many Americans for their Irish background or Catholic faith or, more often, both” (Meagher 221). In the two decades before and after the Civil War, expressions of nativism in the United States focused almost exclusively toward the Irish Catholics. For the New York City Protestant ruling class, Irish Catholics were seen as a threat to the status quo. Protestant faith and culture shaped early America. At first, nativist xenophobia targeted all foreign immigrants, but their real concern quickly shifted to Irish Americans who practiced the Roman Catholic faith, particularly in the 1840s when the Irish began arriving in greater numbers due to increased oppression and the potato blight. Nast would affix another meaning to their name, that of ignorance. When asked about the organization, members would claim not to know anything about it. The Know Nothings are the most well-known of these secret societies, their name derived from their desire to remain secret. (Not drawn by Nast)Īs immigration to America increased in the early 1820s and 1830s, nativist organizations sprouted all over the country and especially in locations with higher immigrant populations. Artist Unknown, Misusing Darwin’s science theories as a basis, the idea of the Irish as less than fully white persisted. The Irish were viewed as a different race and this belief continued to permeate long after the initial Protestant-driven nativist sentiment had considerably weakened. In America, Highman distills this down to three themes that ran through nativist sentiment in the early nineteenth century: Reformation and the hatred of Roman Catholicism, fear of foreign radicals and political revolutionaries, and racial nativism, which led to the belief America belonged to people of the Anglo-Saxon race. He observed that feelings or intensities of nativism rose and fell as a barometer to overall nationalistic feelings (4). Immigration historian John Highman suggests that American nativism “should be defined as intense opposition to an internal minority on the ground of its foreign (i.e.,”un-American”) connections.
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